British Labor and the American Civil War. By Philip S. Foner. (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1981. Pp. 135).
Philip Foner’s British Labor and the American Civil War provides readers with an intriguing glimpse into the contributions of the British Labor Movement in defining the outcome of the American Civil War. A renowned Marxist historian, Foner argues that the British working class altered the outcome of the war by using newspapers, rallies, and speeches to prevent British recognition of Southern independence. Drawing upon a shared sense of solidarity with African American slaves, the British Working class viewed support for the Union as a part of their duty to oppose unjust working conditions throughout the world. Foner suggests—perhaps somewhat unjustly—that class structures and economic station defined British wartime loyalties, with the middle and elite classes tending to support the South while the working class supported the North. He likewise shows that the Civil War provided an important catalyst for the organization of the International Workingmen’s Association, which was an important development in the working class movement and the spread of Marx’s communist ideologies throughout Europe. By examining the influence of the British working class, Foner reminds historians that the war was not simply an American conflict. Rather, America’s fratricidal conflict was an global event that both influenced and was influenced by a wide array of international concerns.
Foner’s work begins with a discussion of the historiographical debates concerning the contributions of the British working class to the Civil War. While some have argued that British workers supported the Confederacy to reestablish the flow of cotton to England and to protect their own economic well-being, Foner demonstrates that members of Britain’s working class strongly supported the Union cause because of their opposition to the institution of slavery. The press played a significant role in defining this opposition. Although some papers originally published articles defending Southern independence and urging British leaders to end the Union blockade, working class leaders forced the periodicals to begin publishing articles that reflected their opposition to slavery and their support of the Union cause. To further demonstrate their support for the Union, members of the working classes rallied in London and Lancashire and drafted letters and other declarations of support for Abraham Lincoln. The support of the Lancashire workers was particularly telling, as many of them had lost their jobs due to the low supplies of cotton. In response to this need and in gratitude for their support against the Confederacy, American workers delivered a shipment of relief supplies to Lancashire via the George Griswold. In addition to providing political pressure to halt the British recognition of the Confederacy, these rallies furthered the cause of the working class in Britain and led to the establishment of the International Workingmen’s Association in 1864.
Throughout his narrative, Foner’s book reveals the thoughts of the British working class on the meaning and cause of the war. Although the early suggestions that the purpose of the war was to maintain the American Union temporarily upset British workers, they remained steadfast in their support of the North because of their opposition to slavery. Whereas subsequent generations have debated the importance of superfluous causes such as states rights and economic motives, British working class observers were certain in their contentions that slavery was the primary cause of the war.
Although this book is well reasoned, Foner ignores other reasons for working class support for the North beyond class solidarity. He fails to discuss the role that religious convictions and spiritual proclivities may have played in their opposition to slavery. While class solidarity was no doubt important to some individuals—particularly the organizers and leaders of the International Workingmen’s Association—it is likely that many within the ranks of the working class structure were more highly motivated by additional concerns.
In spite of Foner’s assumptions about the motivations and ideological underpinnings of the entire British working class, he makes a cogent and persuasive argument about the importance of the working class in preventing British intervention in the war. Hence, Foner demonstrates that the outcome of the American Civil War was determined by more than just the tactical maneuvers and strategic decisions of the war’s famous generals like Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee. On the contrary, both foreign and domestic events shaped the outcome of the war. Foner thus reminds us that the Civil War was a highly complex and nuanced conflict that defies simplistic interpretations and generalized explanations. Accordingly, British Labor and the American Civil War is an important contribution to the historiography of the American Civil War that challenges us to adjust our interpretations of the outcome and meaning of the American Civil War.
Brett D. Dowdle