Britain and the War
of the Union. Volume 1.
By Brian Jenkins. Montreal and London: McGill-Queen’s
University Press, 1974. Pp.
xx, 315.
In the first of a two-volume study, Britain and the War of the Union reexamines Anglo-American relations
during the early years of the Civil War. Brian Jenkins, formerly of the University of Saskatchewan in
Saskatoon, Canada, begins his book with the election of Abraham Lincoln to the
White House in 1860 and ends in the late spring of 1862.
These later months marked several notable Northern victories at Forts
Henry and Donelson and the capture in April of New Orleans.
Initially, British politicians and policymakers anticipated a short war
with the Northern and Southern states going their separates ways.
But after a year of intense fighting, observers on either side of the
Atlantic had little indication that “the North [would] ever offer separation
to the South. Independence would
have to be won by Southern resolution” (261).
Through his synthesis, the author attempts to produce “the most
comprehensive account yet to appear of [Great] Britain’s role in the American
Civil War” (9). At the time of
its publication in 1974, the author’s work clearly filled a need for a fresh
survey of Anglo-American relations during the Civil War.
Jenkins’s account covers the first eighteen months of the
war and underscores four main areas of diplomatic concerns of the period.
First, the author addresses Confederate diplomacy toward Great Britain
and attempts to gain foreign recognition. Second,
Jenkins discusses the role of Canada in Anglo-American relations.
Many British leaders feared an American attack on Canada in the midst of
North American instability. Next,
Jenkins analyzes British foreign policy toward the Union, the Confederacy, and
Canada. While the Civil War
primarily affected Americans, the conflict jeopardized British interests in
Europe, specifically the British economy based on cotton trade with Southern
states. Finally, the author
examines diplomatic efforts of the Union toward Great Britain.
In this area of research, Jenkins argues that Secretary of State William
H. Seward deliberately implemented a policy of “bellicosity” as a
“restraining factor” in order to dissuade British intervention on behalf of
the Confederacy. In the end,
Britain officially adopted a policy of neutrality toward the American Civil War. Contrary to some other Civil War diplomacy historians,
Jenkins argues that the adoption of a this policy stemmed from foreign policy
concerns, including an irrational fear that the United States would annex Canada
in the middle of a Civil War, rather than British public opinion.
While the British foreign minister, Lord Lyons, believed the United
States annexation of Canada was imminent, Secretary of State Seward did nothing
to correct the false assumption. Rather,
Seward used the sham to his benefit in negotiating neutrality from Great
Britain.
Jenkins carefully researched both primary and secondary
sources. His primary research
utilizes the records of multiple archives from Canada, Great Britain, and the
United States. His secondary source
research presents a thorough bibliography of virtually every monograph on Civil
War diplomacy published prior to 1974. The
author’s bibliographic essay is most helpful as it separates secondary sources
into their respective concentrations on Confederate, Union, Canadian, British
perspectives. While contemporary
scholars may look down their noses at this work as dated, historians must
remember that this work is thirty years old.
At the time of its publication, it marked a huge step forward in
modernizing Anglo-American studies during the Civil War.
Jenkins’s work contributes to Civil War historiography in
important ways. First, his research
presents the significance of Canada into the Anglo-American relationship.
Canada functioned as a huge bargaining chip in Anglo-American communiqué
during the war, particularly in light of the proximity of Canada to a
neighboring country in the middle of a Civil War.
Furthermore, many Civil War studies incorporating diplomacy and
Anglo-American research moved toward more specific areas of research in the
decades prior to Jenkins’s survey. Frank Merli’s Great
Britain and the Confederate Navy, 1861-1865 (1970), is one such example of
narrow but detailed publications. Jenkins’s
inclusive study departed from a focused trend present in the 1970s.
In 1974, Jenkins’s book functioned well as an updated
version of Anglo-American relations during the Civil War.
The work was sorely needed as the previous work of Ephraim
Douglass Adams’s Great
Britain and the American Civil War (1925) appeared some fifty years before.
Few worthwhile studies documenting the complex diplomatic period emerged
in the ensuing five decades. Current
Civil War historians, particularly diplomatic scholars of the period, would
likely criticize the work for its sloppy research documentation and heavy
reliance upon diplomatic sources. Nonetheless,
it is the work of previous historians that allow succeeding historians to
identify problematic historiographic errors and address such voids in their own
research.
Dana Magill