John A. Quitman: Old South Crusader by Robert E. May (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1985), Pp. xv, 485.
Only one biography of John A. Quitman existed prior to the 1985 publication of Robert May’s definitive study, and it was published before the American Civil War. Since that time, only a dissertation surfaced examining John A. Quitman, and that was in 1949 at the University of Texas, Austin. But the American Civil War still enjoys a rather prominent place in the historiography of the 19th century, and May opines that those who “stoked the coals of secession” deserve equal attention in the historiography of the Sectional Crisis and Civil War Years. The author identifies, explicitly, “Explaining [Quitman’s] radicalization” and “his contribution to southern secessionism” as main points of focus for the work. By examining more closely the life of Quitman, May hopes to illuminate “a more subtle understanding of secessionist motivation and ideology,” noting that far from articulating rhetoric perpetuated by fire-eaters, Quitman embraced secession from a position well-grounded in a Calhounean political philosophy, and that reservation and solemnity always took precedence over emotional irrationalism (xv, xvi). Also influential to May’s analysis is the idea put forth by historian David M. Potter in “The Historian’s Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa,” published in 1962, from which May deduces the perception of Quitman’s more conservative secessionist tendencies. Southerners, as Potter suggests, did not see their situation as essentially contradictory to the principles of the American Founding and still understood their existence in national terms (David M. Potter, “The Historian’s Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa,” The American Historical Review, July, 1962).
Drawing heavily on primary sources—the most notable of which are Quitman’s papers—May paints a portrait of this legendary (and perhaps notorious) southern gentleman without the aid of secondary literature. One must appreciate the scope of May’s work. It is biographical in the purest sense, tracing Quitman’s “Yankee Roots” growing up in New York and his move to Natchez, Mississippi in 1821. Largely a self-made man, Quitmann married into money whereupon he enjoyed the lifestyle of a planter. He was, from the onset, a man with great political ambition, an exemplar of the southern martial spirit, and an accomplished war hero. Of course, he was also a firm advocate of the expansion of slavery, and by the 1850s Quitman was a firm believer in the Cuba question (252).
Like Calhoun, Quitman belonged to a generation of southerners who understood secession only as theory, for he died in 1858. The practical horrors which naturally and logically came about as a result of Quitman’s efforts confronted instead younger men and women engulfed by a war that, not long after the Mississippian’s death, turned directly in favor of the Union. Quitman’s plantation, along with other regions on the southern “periphery,” fell in 1862 (353). And Quitman’s family was devastated by the war when northern troops, aware of the role Quitman had played in “stoking the coals of secession,” destroyed and plundered his home in Monmouth. Trees, gardens, and luxurious furnishings—all became Union firewood, edible delicacies, or trophies. May also shows through the occupation of Quitman’s residence (and quite effectively) the problem intrinsic to the idea of paternalism with regards to the slave question: upon encouragement from Union troops, many of Quitman’s slaves left the plantation, proving that a life of uncertainty—indeed one that risked capture and death—was vastly preferable to a plantation existence. Thus, as May shows in the closing of his work, the complexities of local plantation life in Mississippi—and it is fair to extend this claim to the whole of the southern slave reality—could not validate the long-perpetuated southern notion of slavery as a positive good.
Texas Christian University Mitchell G. Klingenberg
John A. Quitman: Old South Crusader. By May, Robert E. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1985.
Robert E. May’s John A. Quitman presents an in-depth biography of the man who “had done more than any other public man to familiarize Mississippi voters with states’ rights constitutional theories” (351). Though Quitman died before the Civil War, he greatly influenced his state and played an instrumental role in Mississippi secessionism. Throughout his political career, Quitman attempted to create a lasting slave society. He worked against abolitionist control of the federal government, the Fugitive Slave Law, and abolitionist instigation of slave revolts.
Quitman, originally from New York and Ohio, migrated to Natchez, Mississippi after the Panic of 1819. He arrived as a young man without substantial wealth or extensive kinship connections, but borrowed enough to set himself up as a man of means. Though trained as a lawyer, he took positions in the state militia, government, and the religious community. He married into a wealthy family, which furthered his entrance into the society of Mississippi elites. Eventually, Quitman owned several plantations, a mansion, and many slaves. After the cholera deaths of his two young sons, Quitman returned to public service and political advocacy as an emotional outlet. Though he began his political career as a Jacksonian Democrat, he supported John C. Calhoun’s nullification arguments and developed into a strong states’ rights supporter. President Andrew Jackson represented unacceptable and dangerous democracy to Quitman, pushing him further into a Southern mindset. His military career gained Quitman prominence nationally and expanded his political beliefs. He arrived in Texas hoping to fight in the revolution, but came too late to engage in any real fighting. His exploits in the Mexican-American War earned him the rank of general. His military career only strengthened his commitment to American expansionism and the South’s slave institutions. Perhaps due to his racial beliefs, Quitman supported annexation of both Mexico and Cuba.
Over the course of his career and
life in Mississippi, Quitman adopted and then became the spokesperson for the
Southern way of life. He owned over four hundred slaves and failed to understand
arguments questioning the institution’s morality. As a product of his time,
Quitman also adopted attitudes of a racial hierarchy, with Africans being
naturally inferior. He felt slavery provided social stability for the South and
civilized Africans. His rising social status, acquisition of land, and, most
importantly, his status as a slave owner cemented Quitman to states’ rights and
the preservation of slavery. Quitman supported secession publicly following the
Kansas-Nebraska Act, though he supported Stephen A. Douglas for president. May
believes that Quitman came to support secession from personal beliefs, not out
of a sense of radicalism or disloyalty. He viewed secession as a conservative
course designed to protect the Southern way of life from an overreaching federal
government.
May’s work follows Quitman’s entire personal and public life. His
biography underscores the importance of this Old South Crusader in the pre-Civil
War years. While Quitman represents an interesting and important character in
the years before the Civil War, no other modern biography exists. This work is
well researched and detailed and at times the density overwhelms readers. Cleary
Quitman deserves the attention given him by May.
Misty Wilson
John A. Quitman: Old South Crusader. By Robert E. May, 1985
In John A. Quitman: Old South Crusader, Robert May has created a book that recounts the life and career of John Quitman in a traditional biographical format. He explains in great detail how Quitman arrived in Natchez, Mississippi, as a well educated and ambitious Ohio emigrant and was transformed into a major political and military leader of Mississippi and the Old South. Ultimately, he was to become the major spokesman for the southern political and social system during the 1840s and 1850s and had a great influence on the politics of Mississippi and the nation. The driving purpose behind Quitman’s political career was to permanently secure slavery and the southern way of life within the Union if possible, or as a separate nation if not. He was the earliest spokesman for secession among the major figures of his time.
Quitman acceded into the Mississippi gentry early in his Natchez residence through ability, charm, and a fortunate marriage that gave him social standing, and was helpful in propelling and sustaining the career his ambitions demanded. Throughout his early manhood, Quitman experienced a dazzling degree of success in the areas of law, politics, business, and military leadership. Although his career was not always smooth, issues or events seemed to arrive at propitious times for him to rebound and enjoy continued success. Some of the issues in which he was a major figure include a role as leader of the nullification movement, a sojourn to support the Texas revolution, railroad entrepreneur, partisan in the bond repudiation issue, support of Texas annexation, leadership in the Mexican War, promoter of expansion into the Caribbean area and Central America, and partisan in the territorial issues of the 1850s.
The Mexican war was a particularly successful experience for General Quitman. The battle of Monterrey under Zachary Taylor made a hero of both him and Jefferson Davis though the two were far from close. Quitman and his unit also played a key role under Winfield Scott in the battles for Mexico City and Chapultepec; and he participated in the subsequent occupation of Mexico. Quitman became and remained a war hero which he used for his political advantage throughout the balance of his life. He was under consideration for the Democratic presidential and vice-presidential nomination following the war, and he promoted his own candidacy to the extent permitted by the customs of the time. Ultimately he was unsuccessful as the convention selection Lewis Cass and William O. Butler for the Democratic ticked which was a blow to both his ego and his ambitions.
Issues associated with slavery in the territories became the hottest topics in American politics in the years following the Mexican War. The Wilmot Proviso and the Compromise of 1850 brought the expansion of slavery question squarely before the American people, and caused Quitman to struggle with the tension between his slave-owners identity and his political aspirations. After the defeat of the Cass/Butler ticket, he tended to move toward a more radical position in southern politics.
Quitman’s subsequent election as governor of Mississippi was interpreted by him as a mandate against what he considered to be the “federal aggression” of the Taylor administration. His influence during this period would cause Mississippi to take its first major step in the direction of secession. His views continued to hardened and he came to view every compromise as being detrimental to the cause of states right. Later as a congressman, he stridently defended southern rights. He supported the Kansas-Nebraska Act and encouraged competition against Free Soilers in the rush for control of Kansas. The nomination of John C. Fremont by the republicans caused a further alienation and increased the stridency of his positions. He made many startling suggestions of which reviving the African slave trade was most remarkable. By the time of James Buchanan’s inauguration in March, 1857, Quitman was in poor health and poor spirits.
John A. Quitman was one of the most significant leaders of his time. It is probably not possible to fully understand the events leading to southern secession and the American Civil War without an understanding of him and the influence he exercised. He was visionary in his outlook and became progressively more radical as events seemed to work against southern interest. He was an early proponent of seccession and pointed the way that was followed by others in the years following his death. From the southern point of view in 1860, he was a hero and prophet. From the point of view of all Americans subsequent to 1865, his contribution had a disastrous effect on the country. Robert May communicates this in a balanced and forthright manner. He is fair to Quitman and his opponents, yet clearly demonstrates the ultimate results of his leadership.
Gary J. Ohls